By Matthew Jones
Via emphasising the position of nuclear concerns, After Hiroshima, released in 2010, presents an unique historical past of yank coverage in Asia among the losing of the atomic bombs on Japan and the escalation of the Vietnam conflict. Drawing on a variety of documentary proof, Matthew Jones charts the advance of yankee nuclear process and the international coverage difficulties it raised, because the usa either faced China and tried to win the friendship of an Asia rising from colonial domination. In underlining American perceptions that Asian peoples observed the prospective repeat use of nuclear guns as a manifestation of Western attitudes of 'white superiority', he bargains new insights into the hyperlinks among racial sensitivities and the behavior people coverage, and a clean interpretation of the transition in American method from vast retaliation to versatile reaction within the period spanned via the Korean and Vietnam Wars.
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Extra info for After Hiroshima : the United States, race, and nuclear weapons in Asia, 1945-1965
70 These can best be described as defensive responses from individuals who were beginning to look beyond the moods and demands of wartime towards post-war requirements and how American behaviour would be evaluated in retrospect. Indeed, after the results of the use of the bomb began to be more widely recognized in the United States, an underlying unease began to be expressed by many contemporary commentators. 71 With stories beginning to circulate about the effects of radioactivity and Japanese casualty estimates of 150,000, in the days following the Nagasaki attack the War Department and Ofﬁce of War Information were becoming concerned by the deluge of anxious telephone calls with which they had to deal.
See Thorne, Issue of War, 313–15. Quoted in Stephen N. Hay, Asian Ideas of East and West: Tagore and His Critics (Cambridge, MA, 1970), 12. 99 To this gathering, Gandhi intoned some of the lessons of the recent past, asserting: ‘What I want you to understand is the message of Asia. It is not to be learnt through Western spectacles or by imitating the atom bomb. If you want to give a message to the West, it must be the message of love and the message of truth . . 102 These were all ideas conveyed by the pronouncements of the Japanese Government at the end of the war.
The Forrestal Diaries (New York, 1951), 461. See Michael J. Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945–1954 (Cambridge, 1998), 248–50; S. David Brocsious, ‘Longing for International Control, Banking on American Superiority: Harry S. Truman’s Approach to Nuclear Weapons’, in Gaddis et al. ), Cold War Statesmen, 29–30. 28 After Hiroshima himself. S. 86 Implicit in this statement, crafted at a time when the United States still held a nuclear monopoly, was the notion that the tremendous destructiveness of nuclear weapons might, in some circumstances, undermine the wider goals of the United States, which were not always reducible to the military’s capability to overawe any adversary.
After Hiroshima : the United States, race, and nuclear weapons in Asia, 1945-1965 by Matthew Jones